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The Congress leader Rahul Gandhi's speech in Berkeley University has once again polarised the Hindu Right and so called secularists within Indian politics. Gandhi was in US to address the university students where he attacked the current right wing Hindu nationalist Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) government of India under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. He pointed out how sectarian violence and religious intolerance have grown under Modi administration. He also criticized other right wing policies of the government which have created economic inequality in the country. 
The leaders of the BJP government wasted no time and started counter attack against Gandhi for saying negative things about his own country during a foreign tour. 
Well, Gandhi did not do anything wrong. After all Modi himself has been saying certain negative things about India during his foreign tours in the past and whatever Gandhi said is already known to the world. 
The BJP will have to face the music for growing bigotry in India where minorities are under constant attacks from Hindu extremists who have become emboldened ever since Modi government came to power in 2014. 
However, little discussion is centred on the protest organised by Sikhs For Justice (SFJ) against Gandhi. The SFJ is a US-based advocacy group which has been campaigning for justice to the Sikhs who were targeted in a well orchestrated mob violence across India in 1984. The massacre followed the assassination of the then Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards who were enraged by the infamous military attack on the Golden Temple Complex- the holiest Sikh shrine in June that year. The army was ordered to invade the place of worship where the Sikh militants had stockpiled weapons. Shortly after her murder, the activists of Gandhi's secularist Congress party began mobilising mobs against Sikhs to avenge the death of the slain leader. 

Gandhi was the grandmother of Rahul whose father the late Rajiv Gandhi succeeded her as the next Prime Minister. He not only publicly justified the anti Sikh massacre, but also awarded those involved in the violence with ministerial positions in his government. Taking advantage of the anti Sikh wave he got elected with a brute majority and to appease Hindu majority brought a draconian anti terror law to deal with Sikh extremists. The law was widely misused against Sikhs in Punjab and other parts of India and the Sikh political activists were frequently abducted and killed by the police and security forces in staged shootouts in the name of war on terror. 

For these reasons the Sikh activists have always viewed the Gandhi family as their enemy. Notably, there has been no dignified closure or honest acknowledgement of the excesses committed against the Sikhs, leave alone the question of punishing the guilty of Sikh genocide. 

It is a separate matter that Rahul's mother Sonia Gandhi who happens to be the President of the Congress Party had given an opportunity to Dr. Manmohan Singh, a well known Sikh economist to lead the country as the Prime Minister when the Congress led coalition was running the previous government. Singh was the first turbaned Sikh to lead India. Yet, no justice was done to the families of the victims of 1984. 

At Berkeley Rahul Gandhi pulled no punches while criticising sectarian politics of the BJP government and even claimed to be sympathetic to the Sikh protesters but remained silent on the question of shielding the politicians involved in the massacre. So much so, he refused to answer a direct question on this that came from the floor after his speech. 

Though Gandhi is absolutely right about the alarming situation in India and did a great job by exposing the BJP government, he and his party have to come clean on 1984 to establish their secular credentials. He should have sat down with the protesters and listened to them. Even now he can ensure that his party makes a genuine official apology to the victims' families and provide all the evidence against several top notch Congress leaders to the investigating agencies so that justice could be served. If not then Congress has no moral right to condemn the BJP on the issue of religious intolerance. 

To prove itself to be a real secular alternative to the BJP, the Congress will have to walk extra miles to wipe away this blot. The secularist media and the parliamentary left who are also enamored by the Congress and continue to see it as a challenge to the BJP also have to be honest on the issue of 1984 if they really want to defeat the designs of the political forces that indulge in majoritarianism which is the root of sectarian violence in India. 

It is pertinent to mention that Modi government in Gujarat followed the same technique against the Muslims that was applied to target Sikhs in 2002. This was followed by the burning of a train carrying Hindu pilgrims. More than 50 people had died in the incident that was blamed on Muslim fundamentalists by the Modi government. As a result anti Muslim violence broke out in Gujarat. Human Rights activists believe that had justice been done to the victims of 1984, 2002 wouldn't have happened. Much like Rajiv Gandhi- Modi also used an anti minority wave to win another election in Gujarat with a thumping majority. 

These simple but inconvenient facts are enough to prove that Congress owes a much bigger moral responsibility to correct the historical wrongs to move ahead and lead a struggle for pluralist India. 

  • Gurpreet Singh 

The Rohingya refugee crisis has put the diversity of the word's so-called largest democracy to test. 

Persecuted by the Buddhist extremists and Myanmar army, thousands of Rohingyas are seeking refuge in neighbouring Bangladesh and India. 

Mostly Muslims and far fewer Hindus, these refugees are being subjected to what the UN's top human rights official has described as "ethnic cleansing". 

The Indian response to the situation has so far remained very negative. The Prime Minister Narendra Modi recently met the Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi—a long-time flag bearer of democracy who had fought against the military regime in her previous avatar—and did not raise the issue at all.

Aung San Suu Kyi too has come under criticism for remaining noncommittal on dealing with the issue in a rightful manner. So much so that she went to the extent of rationalizing the violence putting entire blame on Islamic extremists in the region.

The two leaders mostly spoke about enhancing cooperation in tackling with terrorism. The underlying message was how to fight together against Muslim extremism. 

The facts speak for themselves. While Myanmar is a Buddhist-dominated country, Hindus form the majority of India's population. Modi represents the right-wing Hindu Nationalist Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP), which is known for its strong anti-Muslim bias.

Notably, under Modi violence against minorities has grown. Muslims are mostly at the receiving end of the attacks by BJP supporters who wish to see India transformed into a Hindu theocracy. 

Much like Islamic activists In Myanmar are fighting for autonomy and citizenship rights, Muslims in Indian Kashmir are fighting for the right to self-determination. In both cases their resistance is met by brutal state violence and often ordinary Muslims are made to pay the price. 

The emergence of the threat of Islamic extremism, both real and imaginary, has made it easier for Modi and Myanmar to scapegoat all Muslims for their political survival in majoritarian democracies. 

In the meantime, Modi supporters have started shouting that India should send the Rohangiya Muslims back to Myanmar. Some have shamelessly suggested that only Hindu refugees be allowed to stay in India whereas Muslims should be forced to return. The argument being given by them is "security concerns", as if only Muslims indulge in terrorism and violence while the rest of the communities are peaceful. 

From the overall response of the Indian state, it appears that it has buckled under pressure from the Hindu right. 

It isn't the first time that India is facing such situation. In the past India had opened its doors to Tibetan refugees, Hindus migrating from Muslim-dominated Pakistan, and Tamils fleeing Sri Lanka during armed conflict between the Sri Lankan army and Tamil separatists. 

The anti-Rohingya rhetoric is part of the larger design to keep India as an exclusionary Hindu state. This not only goes against the spirit of India that has always been known for its openness and pluralism, but also the values of Hinduism that is based on this principle: the whole earth is one family. 

On one hand, the BJP wants to recreate Ram Rajya—or the rule of Lord Rama, one of the most revered gods whose kingdom was kind to those who came into its refuge—while on the other it is trying to raise walls against those who are trying to escape tyranny.  

We all know what Modi and his party stand for. It is entirely up to him now to prove his critics wrong and let the Rohingyas stay in India till the peace returns.

Gurpreet Singh is a broadcaster and the cofounder of Radical Desi magazine. 


Gurpreet Singh 

While progressive forces in the South Asian community were gearing up to celebrate the birth anniversary of Paash—a revolutionary Punjabi poet—on September 9, news of the assassination of journalist Gauri Lankesh shook everyone to the core.

Paash was a byproduct of the late 1960s radical communist campaign known as the "Naxalite" movement that united oppressed communities and the working class in India. He was at the forefront of many people's struggles and captured the literary landscape of Punjab due to his fiery poetry, which had a strong mass appeal because of its rebellious content.

Born on September 9, 1950, as Avtar Sandhu, Paash chose his pen name after Paasha (a.k.a. Pavel), the hero of The Mother, a famous novel by Maxim Gorky. 

Paash challenged not only the Indian state through his poems, but also wrote against both Hindu and Sikh fundamentalism. The emergence of the Hindu right and Sikh fanaticism during the 1980s vitiated the social environment of Punjab. While Sikh extremists were seeking a separate homeland of Khalistan, an imaginary country to be carved out of India, Hindu fundamentalists terrorized Sikhs and other minority groups across India in order to establish a Hindu nation.

Sensing that this would lead to another religious partition of India—like in 1947 that resulted in separation of Muslim Pakistan and large-scale sectarian violence—Paash formed Anti 47 Front. He pulled no punches while condemning the reactionary forces of any stripe.

As a result, the Khalistan Commando Force (KCF), which was involved in an armed insurgency in Punjab, assassinated him in 1988.

The KCF took responsibility of murdering him and other communist activists in the state for their opposition to the movement for Khalistan. The organization justified the action by branding Paash as "anti Sikh". 

Many supporters of Khalistan continue to malign him on social media and deny their hand in his murder. They claim that Paash might have been killed for personal and not political reasons. 

It is pertinent to mention here that Hindu nationalists too have problem with the writings of Paash. The ruling Hindu nationalist Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) has tried to ban his poetry in educational institutions. 

Now let's fastforward to 2017. On September 5, journalist Gauri Lankesh was murdered in the southern state of Karnataka by unknown assailants. 

Much like Paash, Lankesh was also a vocal critic of religious fanaticism. She consistently wrote against the growing threat of Hindu extremism under a right wing BJP government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Lankesh had been receiving death threats and as soon as the news of her murder came, the supporters of Modi began celebrating her death on social media. Not only did some try to rationalize her killing but they also tried to prove that she might have been killed for nonpolitical reasons.

Apart from these two individuals, there were many more free thinkers and writers who have been killed in India over all these years. While there are many similarities between the killings of Paash and Lankesh and the reaction that followed, the Indian state handled the two situations very differently.

Khalistani extremists who claim to be the defenders of the minority Sikh community were frequently killed in staged police shootouts. The Indian authorities duly rewarded the police for eliminating them in the name of "national interest".

The killers of Paash and other writers like him in Punjab were punished by using extrajudicial means in the name of peace. But that has never been the case with the Hindu right extremists. Rather, those indulging in the killings and bombings in the name of a Hindu nation continue to enjoy the state's patronage.

Unsurprisingly under Modi government, they have become emboldened. So much so, some trolls on social media who've been using filthy language against Lankesh after her murder were being followed by Modi. 

There seems to be a complete lack of political will to arrest such elements, let alone have them punished. A case in point is that of Lt. Col. Srikant Purohit, a serving army officer who was arrested for being a part of Hindu supremacist group that has been targeting Muslims through bomb blasts.

Only recently he was released on bail and was reinstated on the job even before the court could give its final verdict in the case.   

This reflects badly on a state whose constitution guarantees equal treatment to all religious communities. If India is truly a pluralist and diverse nation then  it must under all circumstances treat extremists of both the minority and the majority communities alike.

Those who keep boasting over the restoration of peace in Punjab and ending the Sikh militancy with an iron fist owe an explanation why the Hindu extremists are not being dealt with firmly when they too are posing a threat to the unity and diversity of the country. Such tendencies only show that India is increasingly becoming a Hindu theocracy in spite of its official mandate to remain secular. 

Gurpreet Singh is cofounder of Radical Desi magazine.

Radical Desi is delighted to announce that it has presented Life Time Achievement Award to David Barsamian – a US based journalist for giving voice through alternative media to the oppressed communities and those fighting against repression at an event held at SFU Harbour Center on Friday evening.
Those who presented the award to Barsamian included Chinmoy Banerjee, Parshotam Dosanjh and Gurpreet Singh, all founders of Radical Desi publications that covers alternative politics.

The Indian government continues to deny visa to seventy-two-year-old Barsamian for the past seven years. He was forced to return from Delhi Airport by the world’s so called largest democracy in 2011. His only fault is that he has been writing against the repression of Adivasis or the indigenous peoples of India and also the people of Kashmir.

Barsamian had recently appealed to the Indian Foreign Affairs’ Minister Shushma Swaraj to let him visit India to see his ailing guru. Though Swaraj is known for promptly responding to the people who approach her through social media, Barsamian’s appeal has gone unheeded.

Barsamian was here on the invitation of South Asian Network for Secularism and Democracy (SANSAD) to give a presentation on the emergence of right wing leaders like Modi and Trump. The event began with a moment of silence for Gauri Lankesh who was recently murdered in India. Like Barsamina, Lankesh was also a courageous journalist who was a vocal critic of the Hindu Right.

The local South Asian activists came together to hold demonstration against the gruesome murder of Gauri Lankesh at the Holland Park in Surrey on Wednesday evening.     

Lankesh was a famous journalist who was fatally shot outside her house in Benguluru, India on September 5. She was a well known critic of growing violence by Hindu fundamentalists in India under a right wing Modi government.  She has been receiving threats from the extremist groups and as soon as the news of her assassination spread, the supporters of Hindu nationalist Bhartiya Janata Party government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi started maligning her on the social media. Her murder follows spate of killings of other liberal and democratic activists and thinkers in India over the last several years.           

The speakers at the rally unanimously condemned the murder of Lankesh and denounced violence by Hindu fanatics who continue to enjoy the patronage of the Modi government. Slogans against religious sectarianism were raised by the participants who carried banners and placards denouncing Hindutva terror. Organized by the Indians Abroad for Pluralist India (IAPI), the rally was attended by people from different communities and progressive organizations.  Among those who spoke on the occasion was Surrey Greentimbers MLA Rachna Singh.

She was the only elected official to be present at the rally. The others included Dashmesh Darbar Gurdwara Spokesman Gian Singh Gill, Baba Banda Singh Bahadur Society founder Ranjit Singh Khalsa, Akali Dal (Amritsar) leader Sarabjit Singh, visiting Dravid activist from India Waman Meshram, Muslim activist Sayyad Wajahat, Dalit activist Kamlesh Ahir, secularist activist Sunil Kumar and Indian RationalIst Society Leader Avtar Gill. Since the day of the rally coincided with the anniversary of Jaswant Singh Khalra 's abduction he was also remembered by the speakers. Khalra was investigating the human rights abuse by the Punjab police during Sikh militancy. He was abducted on September 6, 1995 from his Amritsar home and later murdered by the police. A moment of silence was observed for Lankesh at the opening of the event. This was the latest event organized by IAPI. On August 27, the  IAPI supporters held a denomination outside the Indian consulate in Vancouver.         

Tuesday (September 5) marks the 103rd anniversary of the assassination of Bhaag Singh, a towering leader in the Vancouver Sikh community who fought against racism and colonialism. 

Bhaag Singh was born in British India. He had previously served in the British army before immigrating to Canada to earn a better livelihood. India was under British occupation back then and Canada was a dominion with close ties to the British Empire. 

When people of Bhaag Singh's generation started coming to Vancouver, they believed that being British subjects, they would be treated fairly in Canada. But they were soon disillusioned after facing blatant racism and discrimination in North America.

After any event of racial violence they never received any help from British consulates. So much so, they were left to fight on their own when Canadian authorities passed laws that disfranchised them and barred them from bringing their families from India. Canadian officials wanted to discourage them from permanent settlement. 

Under these circumstances, Bhaag Singh and his comrades started getting organized. They established the Khalsa Diwan Society, the oldest Sikh body, and opened a gurdwara that also provided space for political activism. Bhaag Singh eventually became a leader of the Khalsa Diwan Society and was in the forefront of all the movements and political actions.

He encouraged his compatriots who had previously served in British armies to burn their medals and certificates, an event that laid the foundation of a long struggle against racism abroad and freedom from foreign rule back home. They realized that unless India became free they wouldn't get much respect anywhere in the world.

They wanted to establish a secular and egalitarian society in post-British India. It is important to mention here that while the gurdwara was established in Vancouver because Sikhs vastly outnumbered other South Asian immigrants, Bhaag Singh took along with him the members of other communities to accomplish their goal. An injury to one was seen as injury to all. 

In 1912, Bhaag Singh rejected an invitation from the British Empire to participate in the celebrations of the coronation of King George V. This act of defiance was equally important.

Bhaag Singh also mobilized support for passengers on the Komagata Maru, a Japanese vessel carrying more than 300 people from India. The ship was forced to leave Vancouver's harbour and return to India in July 1914 under discriminatory immigration laws, galvanizing the movement for a free India. 

These ugly events led to a bloody fight between two rival factions in the Sikh community. The radical faction was led by Bhaag Singh, while the other was created by a controversial immigration inspector, William Hopkinson. Hopkinson, an Anglo-Indian, had infiltrated his spies in the Sikh community to keep a watch on Bhaag Singh and his associates. On the fateful day of September 5, one of Hopkinson's agents, Bela Singh, went inside the gurdwara and fatally shot Bhaag Singh and another activist, Badan Singh. 

These killings led to the murder of Hopkinson by Bhaag Singh's associate, Mewa Singh, who was executed in January 1915. Mewa Singh faced the gallows with courage and conviction. 

A century later, Bhaag Singh and his legacy remain even more relevant. Not only has racism grown once again in North America under Donald Trump's presidency in the U.S., but the Indigenous peoples continue to face structural violence in Canada. 

Repression in India, the country Bhaag Singh wanted to see liberated, refuses to end. Especially under the current right-wing Hindu nationalist government led by Narendra Modi, the attacks on religious minorities have sharply increased. Secularism that was dear to men like Bhaag Singh is under threat.  

What could be more shameful that those now in control of the Khalsa Diwan Society hosted Modi in 2015 when he came here after being elected as prime minister of India? No questions were raised about his controversial past. The state of Gujarat had witnessed its worst anti-Muslim pogrom in 2002 when Modi was its chief minister. Human rights activists and survivors continue to allege his complicity in the violence against Muslims.

Indian investigative journalist Rana Ayyub conducted a sting operation to expose the involvement of officials involved in the carnage in Gujarat. Yet when she was here in Vancouver last month, the Khalsa Diwan Society denied her the opportunity to address the congregation, citing her "controversial past". 

Nothing surprising though as this body has also been welcoming the officials of the previous right-wing Conservative government in spite of their racist and discriminatory immigration policies and attacks on Muslim community.

It is easier to talk about the sacrifices of men like Bhaag Singh and organize memorials, but a real tribute can be paid to him only through meaningful actions. Rather than remaining silent to racism and repression and rubbing shoulders with those in power—or behaving like agents of the Indian consulate—the so-called community gatekeepers trying to take mileage from his legacy should stand up for justice and fairness.

Had Bhaag Singh been alive and part of the Khalsa Diwan Society today he would not have let Modi step into the gurdwara. Rather he would have welcomed Ayyub with open arms and honoured her for her courage . If we really care for what Bhaag Singh stood for, we need to stop the gimmickry of customary memorials and raise our voice against tyrants. 


While activists across India observed August 25 as Kandhmal Day in commemoration of the victims of anti Christian pogrom in 2008, a conversation was held at the University of British Columbia (UBC) on growing attacks on religious minorities under Modi government.

Held at the CK Choi Building in UBC, the conversation was between visiting journalist from India Rana Ayyub and the Vancouver-based researcher Kamal Arora. While Ayyub has authored Gujarat Files, a book based on her investigation of the complicity of the government in violence against Muslims in Gujarat, Arora has done Phd. on the widows of the anti Sikh carnage of 1984. Both the incidents were engineered by the ruling parties to target minorities.

The Gujarat massacre of Muslims in 2002 started after a train carrying Hindu pilgrims caught fire under mysterious circumstances. The incident that left more than 50 passengers dead was blamed on the Muslims by the ruling Hindu nationalist Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP). The current Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi was the Chief Minister of Gujarat back then. The surviovors of the violence and human rights activists continue to maintain that he was directly involved in the bloodshed.

The technique used to target Muslims was similar to the one used by the so called secularist Congress government in Delhi in 1984 to attack Sikhs. The anti Sikh massacre was followed by the assassination of the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards. The Congress leaders were seen inciting the mobs to “teach Sikhs a lesson”.

Following both massacres, the BJP and the Congress benefited during the elections that followed ugly political events by polarizing Hindu majority against Muslims and Sikhs respectively.

Both Ayyub and Arora agreed that there were striking similarities between the two episodes and reflects badly on India that is otherwise known as world’s largest secular democracy. Ayyub insisted that if justice was done to the Sikhs in 1984, 2002 would not have happened.

The impunity enjoyed by those involved in these crimes gave encouragement to similar pogroms in the years to come. In August 2008, anti Christian violence broke out in Kandhmal, Odisha following the assassination of a Hindu seer by the Maoists. Yet, the BJP supporters targeted innocent Christians after falsely accusing the Christian missionaries for the murder.

Ayyub acknowledged the significance of the Kandhmal Day on the occasion and reminded the audience of the growing attacks on minorities in India ever since Modi became the Prime Minister in 2014. Both panelists emphasized that the minorities need to join hands to fight back against majoritarianism and the process of othering minority communities in India by a government that was determined to transform a pluralist nation into Hindu theocracy.

A Walk for Pluralist India against growing attacks on religious minorities under Modi government was held here on Sunday evening.

Organized by the Indians Abroad for Pluralist India (IAPI), the walk started from the Simon Fraser University Harbour Center and went up to the Komagata Maru Memorial. The participants stopped by at the Indian consulate for sloganeering and dropped some flyers at its doorstep. They chanted slogans against Hindutuva terrorism and saffronisation.

Later, the march culminated at the Komagata Maru ,memorial where speakers unanimously expressed their concern over attempts to transform India into Hindu theocracy. They also condemned the Khalsa Diwan Society the oldest Sikh body that helped the Komagata Maru passengers and fought against racism and stood for a secular and egalitarian India after the British left for denying an opportunity to visiting Indian journalist Rana Ayyub to address the congregation.

More than 300 South Asian passengers aboard Komagata Maru ship were denied entry into Canada under the discriminatory immigration laws in 1914. The passengers who belonged to different faith groups came to Canada as potential immigrants from India that was under British occupation. Some of them later joined a radical freedom movement that was aimed at establishing a secular and egalitarian republic.

Khalsa Diwan Society had recently denied an opportunity to Ayyub to speak to the congregation citing her “controversial background.” Ayyub has authored a book based on her investigation of complicity of the government in anti Muslim violence in Gujarat when Narendra Modi was the Chief Minister of the state. Modi was hosted by the Khalsa Diwan Society in 2015 when he came here as the Prime Minister of India.

The speakers made a connection between the history of Komagata Maru and growing racism and bigotry both in North America and India.

Among those who participated were Radical Desi Director Gurpreet Singh, South Asian Network for Secularism and Democracy leader Chinmoy Banerjee, Sikh Nation activist Sunil Kumar, Muslim activist Imtiaz Popat, Naujawan Bharat Sabha leader , Kulwinder Singh and Sikh activist Kesar Singh Kooner.


Gurpreet Singh 

When former Punjab Police Chief KPS Gill passed away in May, the leaders of almost all the mainstream political parties of India paid rich tributes to the deceased and described him as a national hero who according to them had decimated terrorism in Punjab.

At an event organized in his memory, the leaders from both the left and the right side of the political spectrum spoke passionately for Gill. These included Maninderjit Singh Bitta- a self styled anti terrorism activist who vowed to keep Gill’s fight against terrorism alive and those associated with the ruling Hindu nationalist Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) and a Marxist leader Sitaram Yechury.

Gill was the Director General of Police in Punjab that witnessed bloody conflict between early 1980s to early 1990s. It was a time when a movement for Khalistan, an imaginary Sikh homeland was at its peak. The Sikh extremists were involved in large scale violence against Hindus and their liberal critics within the Sikh community. In response, the Indian state gave free hand to officers like Gill to deal with the militants who were often killed by using extra judicial means. The ruthless policemen were duly rewarded with out of turn promotions. Thus, the militancy ended partly because of losing popular support due to excesses committed by the extremists and partly because of police repression.

Those blinded by nationalism continue to see Gill as a saviour, but they won’t see another dedicated police officer who had smashed the network of a terrorism of different kind with the same lens.

The late Hemant Karkare had died during a terror attack on Mumbai in 2008. The attack was blamed on Islamic extremists who had come from Pakistan and tried to take the entire city hostage.

Karkare had created headlines that year after he uncovered the activities of terrorists seeking to turn India into a Hindu theocracy in the state of Maharashtra. In one of the bombings done by the Hindu militants in Malegaon in September 2008, eight people had died and close to 100 people were injured. Though the attack was targeted at the Muslim community, the police had initially suspected the involvement of Jihadist extremists. Thanks to an honest investigation of Karkare who was with the Anti Terrorism Squad, the police were able to arrest the actual culprits.

However, Karkare had to face humiliation for arresting the extremists who belonged to the right wing Hindu organizations. He came under constant attack from the BJP and its supporters. The current Prime Minister Narendra Modi who used to be the Chief Minister of Gujarat back then too came to the defence of the Hindu extremists. Since the Congress party was in power in New Delhi, the BJP and other Hindu organizations tried to discredit Karkare by suggesting that the cases against Hindu extremists was a complete fabrication done under political pressure. This was despite the fact that Karkare was a practicing Hindu and was only trying to do his job professionally.

In November 2008 when Karkare died while fighting against Islamic extremists; though some believe that he was killed as part of a conspiracy, he became martyr for the BJP. Modi had offered a huge monetary award to his family that was turned down by Karkare’s widow.

In 2014 when Modi became the Prime Minister and the BJP grabbed the power in the center with a brute majority, the pressure started building up on the prosecutors pursuing the Melgaon case and similar other cases of terrorism. They were told to go slow and as was being apprehended some of those involved got bail as the National Investigation Agency began questioning the merits of Karkare’s investigation in the courts. The judges were told that the evidence was ascertained through coercion.

When one of the suspects, a serving army officer Lt. Colonel Srikant Purohit got the bail recently, the BJP began maligning Karkare in public.

This only reflects the double standards of the Indian nationalism which is in fact based on the principles of secularism and equality, but under the BJP its narrative has changed completely. Anyone who dares to challenge the majoritarian terrorism in a Hindu dominated India won’t get a similar respect that was received by police officers like Gill who were used to eliminate the threat of Sikh extremists who represented a minority community that makes only two percent of the Indian population.

But the BJP alone cannot be blamed as other political forces are no different when it comes to satisfy either the majority community or the collective conscience of the society.


Will Yechury dare to come out with a strong statement against calculated attempt to discredit Karkare, who stood against Hindu extremists? Will Biita utter a word against terrorism in the name of Hindu state? Aren’t Hindu extremists too a threat to the peace and unity of the country? Isn’t what they are doing unconstitutional and against national interest? The way Hindu extremism has grown in India under Modi and minorities continue to be attacked everyday can we expect the state to give free hand to the police to deal with the Hindu fanatics in a similar manner that was applied in Punjab to deal with the Sikh extremists? Why not kill the Hindu extremists also in staged shootouts and let the police pocket rewards to restore peace in India? Can we ask for another so called national hero like Gill who could take this challenge and use ruthless means to end terrorism of Hindu militants? If not, then India should acknowledge what it truly is – a Hindu state under the garb of secular democracy which has two different laws for terrorists belonging to two different communities.

Courageous author and journalist Rana Ayyub – who exposed the involvement of the Indian officials in the systematic killings of Muslims was honoured by Radical Desi in Surrey on Saturday.

She was presented with Courage in Journalism Award at a well attended event held at Dr. Ambedkar room in the Surrey Central Library. Those who presented her the award included Amandeep Singh- a lawyer and a human rights activist who was recently honoured by Radical Desi for drafting the petition seeking release of disabled Delhi University Professor G.N. Saibaba who continues to be persecuted by the Indian state for standing up for minorities and the oppressed communities. Others who joined Singh for presenting the award were one of the Radical Desi founders Parshottam Dosanjh and the leader of the Prof. Mohan Singh Memorial Foundation Sahib Thind.

Ayyub is the author and publisher of Gujarat Files – based on her undercover investigation of the administrative and police officers who were responsible for the murders of the members of the minority community had risked her life by taking part in sting operation for Tehlka magazine.

She was sent to Gujarat following the anti Muslim pogrom of 2002 and spate of murders of Muslim men by the police in staged shootouts.

Thousands of Muslims were targeted by the goons led by BJP activists. Human rights activists and survivours continue to allege the complicity of the then Chief Minister of Gujarat Narendra Modi in the mass murders. The bloodshed was followed by series of murders of Muslim men by the police in fake encounters. The slain men were frequently branded as Jihadist extremists.

Ayyub told the gathering how she posed herself as a Hindu woman with strong family affiliations with the BJP and befriended people in the police and administration. She later spoke to them about the violence against Muslims and found how thickly the BJP government and Modi were involved in these crimes. Being a Muslim woman,she was playing with the fire by secretly recording these conversations in an extremely hostile environment.

She added that the event being held in Dr. Ambedkar room was a fitting tribute to the author of the Indian constitution that is under attack by the BJP government and also because her book brings out the fact that how Dalits or so called untouchables were used for getting the dirty job done by the Hindutva forces.

She called upon the members of Indian diaspora to break silence over the growing threat of Hindutva extremism under Modi and urged all minorities to join hands to fight back against repression.


There was a pin drop silence in the room as she shared her story. Her speech was followed by a Questions and Answers session after which she signed the copies of her book.
Those in attendance included well known community activists, such as Chinmoy Banerjee of South Asian Network of Secularism and Democracy, former BC Human Rights Commissioner Harinder Mahil, Indians Abroad for Pluralist India founder and documentary filmmaker Ajay Bhardwaj, Sikh Nation volunteer Sunil Kumar, research scholar and activist Kamal Arora, besides Progressive Pakistani activists Shahzad Nazir Khan, Saif Khalid, Masood Punjabi and Fauzia Rafique.

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Post Gallery

Conversation on attacks on religious minorities in India held on Kandhmal Day

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